The Class Is Half Empty: Report Supports
Class-Based Affirmative Action
By Kathy Goodman, communications associate,
AAC&U
Many sectors of society—from educators to the
U.S. military to corporate America—closely watched
the recent Supreme Court cases on affirmative action.
Prior to the announcement of the Supreme Court decisions,
The Century Foundation (TCF) released an Issue Brief
by Anthony Carnevale and Richard Kaufman that explores
three possible forms of admissions that colleges can
pursue: race-based, class-rank, and economic.
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Prior to the recent Supreme
Court decisions, three states that outlawed race-conscious
admissions developed a class-rank admissions policy
in their public universities: California, Texas,
and Florida. |
Each is explored within the context of seven criteria—fairness,
racial and economic diversity, graduation rates, legality,
politics, application to undergraduate and graduate
education nationwide, enforcement, and cost.
In exploring the application of these three forms of
admissions policies, TCF explicitly focuses on admissions
to the top 146 colleges in the country because, according
to the brief, these selective universities provide advantages
such as a higher likelihood of graduation, increased
access to graduate school, and higher wages in the workforce.
Race-Conscious Admissions
Most selective colleges and universities in
the U.S. use some form of race-conscious admissions
policies. But as we well know, the use of race in admissions
has been hotly contested. The TCF brief states that
one reason that using race/ethnicity as a criteria is
considered unfair by many is that it helps only individuals
who are disadvantaged by virtue of their racial/ethnic
background rather than those who might be disadvantaged
in other ways.
Despite this criticism, the TCF brief points out the
advantages race-conscious admissions policies such as
an increase in racial and economic diversity in student
population, high graduation rates of students of color
at selective universities, low cost to use the policy,
and applicability to any admissions program—undergraduate
or graduate.
Overall, the TCF brief argues that current race-based
admissions policies are beneficial but they lack perceived
elements of fairness and will likely continue to face
political and legal challenges. They find class-rank
admissions policies to be even more problematic.
Class-Rank Admissions
Prior to the recent Supreme Court decisions,
three states that outlawed race-conscious admissions
developed a class-rank admissions policy in their public
universities: California, Texas, and Florida (see Diversity
Digest Volume 7, No. 1, 2 for other analyses of
these programs). In these states, students ranked at
a certain percentile of their class are automatically
accepted into the public universities in those states,
regardless of other factors such as standardized test
scores.
While on the surface this method may appeal to one’s
sense of fairness, it ignores additional achievement
factors such as students who may have slightly lower
grades, but a high SAT score, or students with lower
grades because of taking a more challenging curricula.
It also completely ignores non-academic factors and
favors students from well-off backgrounds. The TCF brief
states that “data suggest that the economically
better off students disproportionately benefit from
the class rank approach.”
The TCF brief also argues that the class-rank plans
have had mixed results in increasing diversity and potential
for increasing dropout rates. Percentage plans also
may work within states, but are difficult to systematize
for students applying out-of-state, at private institutions,
or for graduate programs.
T he TCF brief found few compelling reasons to advocate
for class-rank admissions programs and instead advocated
for economic affirmative action as a method to overcome
many of the obstacles created by race-based and class-rank
admissions.
Economic-Based Admissions
Economic-based admissions—admission based
on criteria related to the student’s financial
background—are practiced at varying levels, especially
where race-based admissions have been disallowed. Criteria
taken into account under this method include factors
such as low family income, number of family members,
parent’s educational level, attendance at a low-performing
high school, and participation in a free lunch program
in high school.
According to the TCF brief, this form of admissions
is not only more fair than other methods, but it also
contributes to both racial and economic diversity without
a drop in graduation rates. TCF argues that legally,
economic justifications are easier to defend, and politically,
they are more likely to withstand public debate. Additionally,
economic-based standards are easy to apply to any college
or university, both at the undergraduate and graduate
levels and enforcement is simpler because it is based
on information already collected during the financial
aid process.
The one potential drawback to economic-based admissions
as outlined in the TCF brief is that they cost more.
However, this is a necessary outcome: if more economically
disadvantaged students are admitted to college, more
financial support is required.
The TCF brief advocates this method as a supplement
rather than a replacement for race-based admissions
where possible. The authors of the report admit that
economic affirmative action cannot increase racial/ethnic
diversity to the extent that traditional affirmative
action methods have. They also suggest using a wide-range
of criteria for implementing this method of admissions,
including (1) parental income, (2) parental occupation(s),
(3) parental education, (4) single parent household,
(5) wealth or net worth, (6) neighborhood concentrations
of poverty, and (7) school concentrations of poverty
or other measure of school quality.
Cautions and Conclusions
While the TCF brief presents some compelling arguments,
it is important to approach them with caution. The brief
points out the need for increased financial support
as more economically disadvantaged students are admitted
to college, but it neglects academic, social, and cultural
support that will also be necessary to ensure that these
students are prepared adequately to succeed in college.
Students who arrive underprepared, students with pressures
to work and attend college at the same time, students
who represent a racial minority in the college or town,
and students who are the first in their family to attend
college, all require resources that more traditional
college students may not. If one agrees that colleges
should admit these students—then it follows that
the colleges must also provide the resources necessary
for their success.
The TCF brief makes a compelling case for economic
affirmative action. Racial affirmative action is likely
to continue to be under attack. Economic affirmative
action extends the larger goal of opening access to
opportunity for underserved students. While we have
seen an outcry against the perceived unfairness in providing
increased opportunity based on race and ethnicity, TCF
believes the outcry is likely to be far less if the
opportunity is provided to students with financial disadvantages
regardless of race. Further, they believe that legal
challenges are likely to be fewer for economic affirmative
action, yet many students of color are likely to be
served under such a policy.
The Century Foundation’s publications can be
viewed on their Web site: www.tcf.org.
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