Diversity Innovations Institutional Leadership

Campus Diversity and Student Self-Segregation: Separating Myths From Facts

Written and researched by Debra Humphreys, AAC&U, for the Ford Foundation Campus Diversity Initiative

When students went off to college this Fall, they entered more diverse campuses than ever before. For many students, in fact, their college community is the most diverse they have ever encountered. Most students entering college today come from high schools that are predominantly or exclusively one racial or ethnic group. Given this reality, how are students interacting with one another educationally and socially in college? How socially segregated are college campuses? Is campus diversity leading to educational benefits for today’s college students or are students too separated into enclaves on campus to benefit from campus diversity?

A survey of the most recent research suggests that, indeed, campus diversity is leading to significant educational and social benefits for all college students. It also suggests that, contrary to popular reports, student self-segregation is not, in fact, a dominant feature of campus life today. This paper summarizes new research on campus diversity and on the actual extent of student self-segregation and interaction across racial/ethnic lines on college campuses today.

This new research is little known outside of the academic community and critics have ignored it as they describe campus life today to reflect their own political agendas. Critics of both affirmative action and campus diversity programs are skeptical about the educational benefits of campus diversity; they allege that racial and ethnic self-segregation among students is widespread and that it undermines the educational promise of a genuinely multicultural college community. In addition, some critics suggest that campus diversity programs themselves, including African American and Ethnic Studies programs, racial/ethnic student groups, theme houses and dorms, encourage separation rather than community and undermine intergroup contact and the learning that can result from it.

The latest educational research suggests a very different picture of campus life.

While the phenomenon does not appear to be widespread, given the degree of continuing segregation in America’s schools and communities, it isn’t surprising that college students today do sometimes choose to live, socialize, or study together with other students from similar backgrounds. Contrary to many commentators’ claims, however, research suggests that this clustering isn’t widespread; it doesn’t prevent students from interacting across racial/ethnic lines; and it may be an essential ingredient in many students’ persistence and success in college.

Is student self-segregation prevalent on today’s diverse college campuses?

While there are situations in which college students may cluster in racial/ethnic groups, research suggests that there is a high degree of intergroup contact on college campuses and that self-segregation by race/ethnicity is not a dominant feature on diverse college campuses today.

In a recent study, Anthony Lising Antonio, assistant professor of education at Stanford University, examined the extent to which students perceive racial balkanization at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) and whether their perceptions reflect the reality of actual close friendship patterns.1

Compared to many American colleges and universities, UCLA is a very diverse campus. When this study was conducted (between 1994 and 1997), the undergraduate student body was approximately 40% white, 35% Asian American, 16% Latino, 6% African American, and just over 1% Native American.

Antonio found that students at UCLA do, indeed, view their campus as racially balkanized.

More than 90% of students in his surveys agreed that students predominantly cluster by race and ethnicity on campus. A small majority (52%) said that students rarely socialize across racial lines.

Antonio, however, didn’t stop at just measuring perceptions. He also calculated the actual racial/ethnic diversity or homogeneity of close friendship groups on campus. Antonio categorized the racial diversity of each student’s friendship groups as one of the following: 1) Homogenous--the largest racial/ethnic group makes up 100% of the friendship group; 2) Predominantly one race/ethnicity--the largest racial/ethnic group makes up 75-99% of the friendship group; 3) Majority one race/ethnicity--the largest racial/ethnic group makes up 51-74% of the friendship group; and 4) No majority--the largest racial/ethnic group makes up 50% or less of the friendship group.

Just 17% of UCLA students, or about one in six, reported having friendship groups that were racially and ethnically homogenous.

Homogenous groups and those groups with predominantly one race/ethnicity together account for about one-quarter of the sample.

The most common friendship group on campus (46%), however, was racially and ethnically mixed with no racial or ethnic group constituting a majority.

At the level of student friendship groups, then, racial and ethnic balkanization is not a dominant, overall campus characteristic at UCLA. Several other earlier studies also suggest a high degree of student interaction across racial and ethnic lines at campuses across the country, especially among students of color.

A 1991 study that examined patterns of intergroup contact at 390 institutions across the country confirmed that self-segregation is not a general pattern among students of color. The authors of this study examined the frequency with which students dined, roomed, socialized, or dated someone from a racial/ethnic group different from their own.2

Chicano, Asian American, and African American students reported widespread and frequent interaction across race/ethnicity in these informal situations. White students were least likely to report engaging in any of these activities across race/ethnicity.

Sixty-nine percent of Asian Americans and 78% of Mexican American students frequently dined with someone of a different ethnic or racial background compared with 55% of African American students and 21% of white students.

Nearly 42% of Asian American students reported interracial or interethnic dating compared with 24% of Mexican Americans, 13% of African Americans, and 4% of white students.

What characterizes student interactions within and across racial/ethnic lines on campus? Why do some students cluster by race/ethnicity on college campuses?

Understanding student interactions across racial/ethnic lines requires an appreciation of the influence of the widespread residential segregation that characterizes American society. It also requires an appreciation of how white American higher education still is, despite its increasing diversity. Most students of color who do not attend historically black colleges or universities attend overwhelmingly white institutions.

A 1991 study of student life at Berkeley, an unusually diverse college campus, describes the experience of campus life as a complex phenomenon that encompasses both some student-initiated racial/ethnic clustering and substantial amounts of interracial interactions.3

This study also found, however, that 70% of all undergraduates agreed with the statement, I’d like to meet more students from ethnic and cultural backgrounds that are different from my own.

A forthcoming book by Richard Light of Harvard University also suggests that students from a wide array of racial/ethnic groups desire intergroup contact and see the educational and social benefits of such interactions.

The widespread segregation by race that still characterizes much of the rest of American life is, however, having an impact on how students interact with one another on college campuses.

A 1997 study at the University of Michigan found that students’ friendship patterns closely reflected the make-ups of their high schools and home neighborhoods. This study confirmed that a majority of all students, but a very high percentage of white students, came from highly segregated high schools and neighborhoods.

The Michigan study also found that white students had the most segregated friendship patterns on campus of all ethnic groups.4

The reality is that students of color have much more intergroup contact than do white students, but their patterns of interaction need to be understood in light of their psychological development. Research by psychologist Beverly Daniel Tatum, Dean of the College at Mt. Holyoke College, suggests that there are complex psychological reasons why college students may choose to cluster in racial/ethnic groups. She argues that racial grouping is a developmental process in response to an environmental stressor, racism. Joining with one’s peers for support in the face of stress is a positive coping strategy. There is a developmental need on the part of many college students to explore the meaning of one’s identity with others who are engaged in a similar process.5

What difference does racial/ethnic clustering make when it does occur?

Recent research, including Tatum’s and that of others, suggests that racial/ethnic clustering can be an important component contributing to the psychological health and educational success of many students. Research also suggests that this clustering need not prevent students from achieving the educational benefits of intergroup contact within college classrooms and on college campuses.

The 1991 study of 390 institutions cited above found that ethnic-specific activities were not impeding intergroup contact for the students who participated in them. Programs like racial/ethnic theme houses and study groups seem to help students of color persist and succeed in college and seem to increase their involvement overall with other areas of college life in which they interact frequently across racial/ethnic lines.

Other studies confirm these findings:

A 1994 study of Latino students suggests that students belonging to Latino organizations increased their adjustment and attachment to their colleges and universities.6

Two other studies, one in 1994 and another in 1996, also found positive benefits of participation in racial and ethnic groups and that these groups also fostered rather than impeded intergroup contact.7

Another 1989 study found that a targeted student support program was positively related to African American students’ persistence in college and their degree status.8

Given the relatively high level of intergroup contact and the existence of some racial/ethnic clustering, what is the impact of campus diversity on today's college students?

Research suggests a variety of positive educational outcomes that result from being educated in a diverse environment. It also suggests a positive impact for those students with high degrees of intergroup contact.

Patricia Gurin, professor of psychology at the University of Michigan, recently compiled a report summarizing three parallel empirical analyses of university students. Her report suggests that,

A racially and ethnically diverse university student body has far-ranging and significant benefits for all students, non-minorities and minorities alike. Students learn better in such an environment and are better prepared to become active participants in our pluralistic, democratic society once they leave school. In fact, patterns of racial segregation and separation historically rooted in our national life can be broken by diversity experiences in higher education.

Gurin's research demonstrates that the diverse environment provided by many colleges today contributes to students' intellectual and social development. She suggests that racial diversity in a college or university student body provides the very features that research has determined are central to producing the conscious mode of thought educators demand from their students.

Gurin also found that these positive effects of campus diversity extend beyond graduation.

Diversity experiences during college had impressive effects on the extent to which graduates in the national study were living racially and ethnically integrated lives in the post-college world. Students with the most diversity experiences during college had the most cross-racial interactions five years after leaving college.9

The study by Antonio mentioned above also confirms that campus diversity is having a positive impact on today’s college students.

Antonio examined the impact of the diverse friendship groups he found to be common at UCLA. Controlling for important background information such as gender, socio-economic status, and the racial diversity of pre-college friendship groups, Antonio found that friendship group diversity contributed to greater interracial interaction outside the friendship group and stronger commitments to racial understanding.

Another important arena of college life, of course, is the classroom. On diverse campuses, many students are now being educated in highly diverse classrooms in which they are studying a much wider array of subjects that include content about previously neglected groups. These classes are also having a significant positive educational impact on both majority and minority students as well.10

Conclusions: Is there cause for alarm, hope, or celebration?

There is little cause for alarm, some cause for celebration and much hope for what lies ahead. The reality is that while there is still a long way to go before American higher education will truly reflect the full diversity of American society, college campuses are becoming much more diverse and their diverse campus environments are having a significant positive effect on this generation of students.

College campuses are not dominated by widespread racial/ethnic segregation and the racial/ethnic clustering that does occur isn’t impeding intergroup contact. In fact, the existence of racial/ethnic groups and activities, along with other comprehensive campus diversity initiatives, is contributing to the success of today’s college students and preparing them to help build a healthier multicultural America for the future.

Debra Humphreys is Director of Programs, Office of Education and Diversity Initiatives, at the Association of American Colleges and Universities in Washington, DC. To contact her, call 202/387-3760 or e-mail dh@aacu.nw.dc.us.

Notes

  1. Antonio, Anthony Lising, "Racial Diversity and Friendship Groups in College: What The Research Tells Us," Diversity Digest, Summer, 1999, (Washington, DC: Association of American Colleges and Universities, 1999): 6-7.

  2. Hurtado, S., Dey, E., and TreviËo, J., "Exclusion or Self-Segregation? Interaction Across Racial/Ethnic Groups on College Campuses," paper presented at American Educational Research Association Conference, New Orleans, LA, 1994.

  3. Duster, Troy, "The Diversity Project: Final Report," Institute for the Study of Social Change. University of California, Berkeley, 1991.

  4. Matlock, John, "Student Expectations and Experiences: The Michigan Study," Diversity Digest, Summer, 1997, (Washington, DC: Association of American Colleges and Universities, 1997): 11.

  5. Tatum, Beverly Daniel. Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria? (New York: Basic Books, 1997): 62;71.

  6. Hurtado, S., and D.F. Carter, "Latino Students’ Sense of Belonging in the College Community: Rethinking the Concept of Integration on Campus," paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New Orleans, LA, 1994.

  7. Gilliard, M. D., "Racial Climate and Institutional Support Factors Affecting Success in Predominantly White Institutions: An Examination of African American and White Student Experiences," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1996; Hurtado, S., Dey, E., and TreviËo, J., "Exclusion or Self-Segregation? Interaction Across Racial/Ethnic Groups on College Campuses," paper presented at American Educational Research Association Conference, New Orleans, LA, 1994.

  8. Trippi, J., and H.E. Cheatham, "Effects of Special Counseling Programs for Black Freshman on a Predominantly White Campus," Journal of College Student Development 30, (1989): 35-40.

  9. Gurin, Patricia, "New Research on the Benefits of Diversity in College and Beyond: An Empirical Analysis," Diversity Digest, Spring, 1999, (Washington, DC: Association of American Colleges and Universities, 1999): 5/15.

  10. For information on the impact of diversity courses, see "Diversity and The College Curriculum," http://www.inform.umd.edu/EdRes/Topic/Diversity/ Response/Web/Leadersguide/CT/curriculum_briefing.html.

List of Experts on Campus Diversity and Student Intergroup Relations

Anthony Lising Antonio, Assistant Professor of Education, Stanford University
650/723-4053; aantonio@leland.stanford.edu

Sylvia Hurtado, Associate Professor of Education, University of Michigan
313/747-1647; hurtados@umich.edu

Mitchell Chang, Assistant Professor, Graduate College of Education, University of Massachusetts, Boston
617/287-7639; chang@umbsky.cc.umb.edu

Daryl Smith, Professor of Education and Psychology, Claremont Graduate University
909/621-8075; daryl.smith@cgu.edu

Beverly Daniel Tatum, Dean of the College, Mt. Holyoke College
413/538-2481; btatum@mtholyoke.edu

Troy Duster, Professor of Sociology, New York University
212/998-8377; troy.duster@nyu.edu

Article published in 1999.

Questions, comments, and suggested resources should be directed to Hugo Najera at diversityweb@aacu.org.
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